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OK, I am going to switch back to The End of Policing by Alex S. Vitale.

(As with the other theory I'm reading, I'll post a thread of quotes that I find interesting. This helps me engage with the text better. I'm not aiming to summarise or anything, so please do seek out the source material.)

I did already read the first chapter, but didn't include the above disclaimer so I'm starting a new thread. My notes from chapter 1 are here: wrestle.town/@Odd_Bloke/104266

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Alex S. Vitale - The End of Policing 

> Crime control is a small part of policing, and it always has been.

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Alex S. Vitale - The End of Policing 

> the veteran police scholar David Bayley argues, "The police do not prevent crime. This is one of the best kept secrets of modern life. Experts know it, the police know it, but the public does not know it. Yet the police pretend that they are society's best defense against crime and continually argue that if they are given more resources, especially personnel, they will be able to protect communities against crime. This is a myth."

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Alex S. Vitale - The End of Policing 

> For [liberals], the state, through elections and other democratic processes, represents the general will of society as well as any system could; those who act against those interests, therefore, should face the police. The police must maintain their public legitimacy by acting in a way that the public respects and is in keeping with the rule of law. For liberals, police reform is always a question of taking steps to restore that legitimacy.

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Alex S. Vitale - The End of Policing 

Oh I forgot to copy paste the note from the other thread, but I'm transcribing these quotes, so any errors are almost certainly mine.

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Alex S. Vitale - The End of Policing 

> [Liberals] argue that racist and brutal cops can be purged from the profession and an unbiased system of law enforcement reestablished in the interest of the whole society. They want the police to be better trained, more accountable, and less brutal and racist--laudable goals, but they leave intact the basic institutional functions of the police, which have never really been about public safety or crime control.

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Alex S. Vitale - The End of Policing 

> What is missing from this liberal approach is any critical assessment of what problems the state is asking the police to solve and whether the police are really the best suited to solve them.

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Alex S. Vitale - The End of Policing 

> The reality is that the police exist primarily as a system for managing and even producing inequality by suppressing social movements and tightly managing the behaviors of poor and nonwhite people: those on the losing end of economic and social arrangements.

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Alex S. Vitale - The End of Policing 

> the earliest origins of policing ... were tied to three basic social arrangements of inequality in the eighteenth century: slavery, colonialism, and the control of a new industrial working class. This created what Allan Silver calls a "policed society," in which state power was significantly expanded in the face of social upheavals and demands for justice.

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Alex S. Vitale - The End of Policing 

> In the words of Mark Neocleous, police exist to "fabricate social order," but that order rests on systems of exploitation--and when elites feel that this system is at risk, whether from slave revolts, general strikes, or crime and rioting in the streets, they rely on the police to control those activities.

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Alex S. Vitale - The End of Policing 

> When possible, the police aggressively and proactively prevent the formation of movements and public expressions of rage, but when necessary they will fall back on brute force.

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Alex S. Vitale - The End of Policing 

> while the specific forms that Policing takes have changed as the nature of inequality and the forms of resistance to it have shifted over time, the basic function of managing the poor, foreign, and nonwhite on behalf of a system of economic and political inequality remains.

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Alex S. Vitale - The End of Policing 

> Peel developed his ideas while managing the British colonial occupation of Ireland and seeking new forms of social control that would allow for continued political and economic domination in the face of growing insurrections, riots, and political uprisings.

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Alex S. Vitale - The End of Policing 

> Peel was forced to develop a lower-cost and more legitimate form of policing: a "Peace Preservation Force," made up of professional police who attempted to manage crowds by embedding themselves more fully in rebellious localities, then identifying and neutralizing troublemakers and ringleaders through threats and arrests.

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Alex S. Vitale - The End of Policing 

> The London model was imported into Boston in 1838 and spread through Northern cities over the next few decades.

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Alex S. Vitale - The End of Policing 

> It was the creation of police that made widespread enforcement of vice laws and even the criminal code possible for the first time. These morality laws both gave the state greater power to intervene in the social lives of the new immigrants and opened the door to widespread corruption.

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Alex S. Vitale - The End of Policing 

> While station house basements often housed the homeless, and officers managed a large population of orphaned youth, as Eric Monkkonen points out, these efforts were primarily designed to surveil and control this population rather than provide meaningful assistance.

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Alex S. Vitale - The End of Policing 

> Corruption remains an issue, especially in relation to drugs and sex work, but tends to be more isolated, less systemic, and subject to some internal disciplinary controls, as liberal reformers have worked to shore up police legitimacy.

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Alex S. Vitale - The End of Policing 

> Reformers like August Vollmer developed police science courses and textbooks, utilized new transportation and communication technologies, and introduced fingerprinting and police labs. As we will see later, many of these ideas emerged from his experiences as part of the US occupation forces in the Philippines.

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